hostile takeover

When states take over school districts, they say it’s about academics. This political scientist says it’s about race and power.

Debates about states taking over school districts are often deeply fraught.

“The right to vote to select your own representation is a right of what we call freedom,” said Dwight Gardner, a pastor in Gary, Indiana, where the state recently removed all sway from elected school board and gave even more power to the state-appointed emergency manager.

Race and racism is usually not far from these disputes. “Legislation adopted for ‘these people’ in ‘that place’ is how Jim Crow became law of the land,” Gardner said last month, pointing out that in some respects Gary, a predominantly black city, was being treated differently than Muncie, a majority-white district also being taken over.

In a new book, “Takeover,” Rutgers political scientist Domingo Morel concludes that the prevailing logic for takeovers is indeed tainted with racism. That’s based on an examination of data from every school district taken over by a state over a 30-plus year period, and case studies of the takeovers of Newark, New Jersey and Central Falls, Rhode Island.

Domingo Morel

Predominantly black school districts are more likely to be taken over, Morel documents, and those takeovers are more likely to fully remove the elected school board. He also finds that cities with a greater share of black city council members are more likely to face takeovers, with state leaders arguing they must wrest control of chaotic local politics.

“Unlike previous groups, which had the opportunity to govern their cities for decades and fully participate in patronage practices, black communities and their political leaders were castigated for engaging in political practices as old as American politics,” Morel writes. Still, Morel concludes that school takeovers have been empowering for some communities of color.

They are provocative claims, and timely ones. A number of school districts taken over years or decades ago, including Detroit, New Orleans, Newark, and Philadelphia, have recently returned to local control. And debates are still live across the country — in Indiana, Kentucky, and Mississippi — about when states should intervene in districts where students appear not to be learning necessary academic skills.

Morel’s analysis has some key limits. He can’t prove why some districts are taken over or others are not, and “Takeover” focuses on political, not academic, ramifications of the moves — though some research has found takeovers do improve academic outcomes. He also doesn’t spend much time in the book backing up his claims that collaboration between schools and communities is a better strategy for improving academics.

Chalkbeat asked Morel more about his book and his conclusions. The interview has been edited for clarity and brevity.

Chalkbeat: One thing that surprised me that I learned from your book was the relative recency of state takeovers of school districts as a strategy. Can you tell me when and where the idea started and how it spread?

Domingo Morel: I go back and I trace the idea to New Jersey, which happens to be the first state to take over a school district, and that idea going back to at least the 1960s. But states actually passing laws to take over school districts — that doesn’t start happening until the 1980s. New Jersey being the first state in 1989; they take over the Jersey City school district. But then it spreads out beyond New Jersey.

My research is based on data looking at the 1980s up to 2013. Up to that point, we’ve had about 100 takeovers. Since then there’s been a couple more — probably 105, 107 or so.

How many states have takeover laws currently?  

So as of 2017, 33 states had takeover laws and by then 22 states had actually taken over school districts.

What is your overarching thesis about state takeovers?

I think people don’t pay enough attention to how political education is — that education in the country is a political project. I think that’s the most important thing that I think we need to understand. And so if education is a political project, when we think about reforms, we need to think about them as political objectives as well. And so if we’re going to take over a school district, it just doesn’t seem consistent with what the literature says about improving schools that you just remove a community from the entire decision-making process. Because what the literature tells us in education is — and it’s just very intuitive — if you look at school districts across the country who are doing well, everybody has a stake in the school district.

Source: Takeover, by Domingo Morel. Graphic: Sam Park

But then we get still the expansion of takeovers. It suggests that there’s something else there. And this is where I come in and say that we need to understand historically role that education has played in communities and what type of power it gives a community.

If we look at education as a political problem and we see how important the schools are to communities’ political empowerment, then we can start to see how how takeovers make sense for two major reasons: Conservatives had consolidated within the Republican Party by the 1970s and blacks became an important part of the Democratic coalition by the 1970s. Moreover, the schools served as the political foundation for black political empowerment. This provided the context for increasing political tension between increasingly conservative state governments and cities. The schools were a major part of this political struggle.

Second, cities began to win court cases to secure more school funding from state governments, which led to further tensions.

Reed Hastings, the Netflix founder, charter school advocate, and education reform funder, has said that “the school board model works reasonably well in suburban districts” but that the politically ambitious “use the school board as a stepping stone to run for higher office” in cities. And I take your argument to be, yes it’s true that the school board can be a stepping stone, but that has proven crucial for the political empowerment of communities of color. Can you speak to that?

Let’s think about that comment and put it in perspective. So what he’s saying is democracy works for certain communities but it can’t work for others. Yes, you have ambitious people, but you also have people who are just interested being school board members. But even if you have ambitious people who want to be city council people, mayors, and so forth, why is that a justification for saying that school boards are not important?

And so the message that sends is that democracy is worth fighting for and worth having in certain places and not in others because it may seem like it’s more messy in big cities and urban areas. And I say it “may seem” like that because I don’t think there’s any evidence that you find more corruption or people are not as prepared to be school board members in urban localities compared to suburban or rural — there’s just no research to support that.

You make a connection in your book between school funding and takeovers, arguing when school districts push for more resources, they face a greater chance of being taken over. Can you explain that?

What I find in the research and this period, in what I call the incubation period from 1982 to 2000, there were 18 states where plaintiffs actually won school funding court cases. And in 14 out of those 18 states, we see takeover laws pass after they win these court cases and the only states where they didn’t were some of the whitest states in the country: Montana, South Dakota, Vermont, and Wyoming. In this incubation period, if plaintiffs did not win court cases securing more resources for the school, we actually don’t get takeover laws passed during this time.

Has that trend continued?

Between 2000 and 2015, you had about 17 other states that passed takeover laws, and I haven’t studied all of them as related to state funding litigation. What I do know is that most takeovers that have happened across the country happened in those first 14 states.

One response might be, there may be different motives, but it really is true that places that have seen state takeovers, also had low academic achievement. And why not just take that at face value as the reason why?

I think that’s a fair point, as these school districts have struggled. My response will be multi-level here. The first is that we have a lot of students who have struggled and are currently struggling but they don’t experience takeovers. Takeovers are relegated to a particular community.

The second part is that if we’re interested in improving schools, I go back to what we know works with improving schools, which is a collaboration. That doesn’t mean that a state doesn’t intervene, that a state is not involved.

What I’m suggesting here is that if we look historically at the reasons why schools struggle, the premise behind the takeover is that the community is the problem, whereas I say if we look at it historically, we see that the community is not the basis for the problem, that in fact communities have been doing what they should be doing to improve schools. There are models of collaboration that are out there to improve school districts that do not involve coming in and taking it away from the community.

Let’s talk about the research on academic gains from state takeovers. I know that’s not the focus of your book, but advocates for state takeovers could point to studies of New Orleans and in Newark, after three years, to say look, it has been successful in boosting test scores in some contexts.

My response to this is multi-level. The first is that it’s contested to what degree these academic scores actually improved. But I spend very little time on this because as a political scientist, I’m interested in the politics of this mostly. What I will say is, OK, so let’s just agree that test scores have improved. What has been the cost of test scores’ improvement in New Orleans for example?

In New Orleans, 25 percent of the black teachers lose their jobs. Seven thousand people lose their jobs. The school board  was removed from the political process. The school governance  was based on a two-tier level: one is the state-created board made up of people that are not from New Orleans and the second is actual charter school governing bodies, 60 percent of which have white members although 67 percent of the community is African-American. And so all of that is the price that the city of New Orleans — that black New Orleans — has to pay for contested improved test scores.

You do talk about some contexts where, in your view, the state takeovers have been successful and that is often with Latino communities. Can you talk about one or two cases where you’ve seen it as successful and why it’s been successful?

The city of Central Falls is a community that was essentially marginalized before the takeover. The takeover comes in and the state is invested in helping that community become part of the decision-making process. And over time, you have a state government working together with city officials and school boards to improve outcomes.

And so what I find is that this is most likely to happen in states where you have Democratic state administrations that essentially rely on that particular city for its political power. You have what I call cohesive regimes, where state government doesn’t take for granted that local government because it needs that local government in order to to be in power and vice versa. That’s why Central Falls is a case where a takeover has not been detrimental to that community.

Scholars in Harvard have looked at the city of Lawrence, Massachusetts and have shown how that has led to improved academic measurements there. Lawrence is another place where I would argue, for the most part, state government has not treated the city of Lawrence and its leadership there the way that you see Chris Christie treat Newark or Louisiana treat New Orleans and so forth.

And you show that in Central Falls and in Newark that Latino representation on the school board actually increased after the state takeover, correct?

Absolutely. The data that I have over time from the 1980s to 2013 show it’s consistent with this — that Latino communities actually benefit in their representation on school boards actually increase after takeovers.

And the opposite is true for black communities.

Yeah, we see that over time takeovers lead to decreased representation for black communities.

One thing that I think is interesting is that once school choice and charter models are put in place through state takeovers, it becomes difficult to fully remove them or go back. The departing superintendent in Camden said in an interview after he announced that he was leaving — talking about “renaissance schools,” which are these charter–district hybrids — he said, “Those are schools that have already over a thousand students and families who have supported and advocated for it. You can’t unwind that.” I thought that was really interesting in the sense that even after a district maybe returned to local control, the system is set up to be politically sustainable.

Absolutely. I think that’s the reason why we’re seeing the recurrence of local control in districts and we’re going to continue to see more of them.

Obviously, it’s the case in New Orleans, where 95 percent of the schools are charter schools. It’s the case in the case of Philadelphia; to some degree it’s the case in Newark. I think that these folks are like, this is in place and it is not going to go anywhere, essentially because the train has left the station.

I go back to Newark: 30 percent of the schools are now charter schools. From the perspective of charter critics in the community, now the political struggle is to prevent that 30 percent from going to 50, 60, or 70 percent.

One thing that might be surprising to some people is that at the end of your book, you advocate for an increased federal role in schools. That seems at tension with the skepticism of state takeovers. Can you talk about that?

It’s a good point. The major issue for the communities is twofold. One is lack of resources and two, when you ask for these resources, it makes you susceptible for intervention that leads to your removal. In thinking about the potential solutions to these two problems, there’s ample opportunity and space there for the federal government to provide funding, since right now they only provide about 10 percent of funding to these localities. And then on the political side, for the federal government to provide the protections to keep local communities able to decide what happens here.

The proposal here is not saying that the federal government comes and intervenes in the way that states have intervened — all I’m saying is more funding and political protection.

Asked and answered

Why Rahm Emanuel and his schools chief believe an elite curriculum can resuscitate neighborhood schools

PHOTO: Steve Hendershot/Chalkbeat
Mayor Rahm Emanuel at Fiske Elementary in Woodlawn

Chicago is doubling down on a big bet that the International Baccalaureate program can be boon to its struggling neighborhood schools. We asked Mayor Rahm Emanuel and schools chief Janice Jackson to explain their calculus in a recent joint interview. Here’s what they told Chalkbeat contributor Steve Hendershot. 

This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length. 

Chalkbeat: Why does it make sense to you to expand IB’s presence in Chicago?   

Janice Jackson: We’ve made investments in IB schools for a number of reasons: first, believing that schools need high-quality academic programs and a curriculum aligned to that, in order to really raise the bar for students and make sure that they are being presented with grade-level appropriate materials.

But in the case of IB, it’s rigorous and grade-level appropriate, but also takes a global look, which we think is one of the things that students should be focused on.

When we look at our metrics, we’ve already seen a dramatic improvement in schools that have a wall-to-wall IB program [offering only IB and not other curriculum], and we’ve seen that outlined in a few different ways at the high school level. It has resulted in higher graduation rates at some of our neighborhood schools that have adopted wall-to-wall programs.

And more important, at the elementary level, we’ve seen an improvement in standardized test scores for students that have access to a full IB program. So there’s demonstrated success that we can point to.

But the thing that I personally appreciate as an educator is the training that comes along with that. The teachers become a part of a network of highly accomplished teachers and they receive this training that is world-class. And then our students right here in Chicago and our neighborhoods get the benefit of that.

Rahm Emanuel: There’s two things I would say. One, for the parent’s side, what we’re trying to do is create what I call IB neighborhoods. So if you want to go to the Lincoln Park neighborhood or the Back of the Yards neighborhood, you can now go there and have your children in an IB literally from first grade to 12th grade, and there’s a continuum, there are feeder schools. Rather than parents moving out to the suburbs, they have one of the most sought-after academic programs. We have more people trying to apply, both principals and parents, to get the IB.

Second, I want to echo something Janice said and then underline it — the teachers love it because it frees them up to be the educators that they chose to be. The students get a rigorous education and the teachers get liberated to be educators. So that’s why I think it works.

Chalkbeat: That’s something I heard from IB’s parent organization as well — freedom from teaching to the test.

Emanuel: Listen, there’s a number of teachers I talk to regularly, and they’ll tell you that the moment their school went IB, the creative juices, the creativity, the collective energy that happened. It’s not an accident. Parents are flocking to it, parents are seeking it and principals get it because it sparks something. And then obviously our students are the beneficiaries of that.

The University of Chicago study from 2012 indicated that IB’s great postsecondary outcomes don’t depend on whether students actually earn the IB Diploma. Still, Chicago lags there — in the year of the study only 20 percent of CPS students earned the IB Diploma compared with 70 percent nationwide. Is that a number you’re focused on improving?

Jackson: Definitely the IB Diploma is the North Star. But if we could just take a step back, the plan that the mayor announced a couple of weeks ago around creating these IB programs which includes feeder schools that would feed into our high school programs is our effort to better prepare kids for the rigor of the IB program at the high school level.

So in many of our schools, when we launched, we started with the Middle Years Program, but now more and more we’re seeing the need to start at the primary level. So we’re looking to expose students a lot earlier, believing that that will make the IB diploma program more accessible to them.

Emanuel: I know a family with twins where one child got accepted to one of the top selective-enrollment schools in the city and the other one did not, but got accepted to the IB. They’ve now graduated. And first, the IB was more rigorous than the selective-enrollment academically. And second, both twins went to the University of Wisconsin and in their freshman year, the IB child was cruising.

I don’t want to over-color this because they’re both succeeding, but the adjustment to college was harder for the child who came out of one of the top selective-enrollment schools. That only underscores what the original U of C study in 2012 told us.

I want to underscore one other piece of data. When we started this, the goal was to make the International Baccalaureate not a backup to the selective enrollment, but a competitive, qualitative choice. In the district’s GoCPS enrollment portal, almost a quarter of the kids that got into our best selective-enrollment schools — 23 percent pick IB or artistic schools.

It’s becoming a true qualitative choice and competitor to the selective-enrollment schools. I think that’s good for the city. It’s good for parents, it’s good for the students and it picks up everybody else’s game.

Jackson: Let me add one thing from the teacher’s perspective. As we traveled throughout the city to host roundtables with teachers, [we heard that] teachers don’t want to spend a bunch of time developing curriculum, spending their whole weekend pulling out assessments and lessons for the students.

With the IB program, a lot of that work has been done for them. It’s research-based and it has a history of success, so it gives them more time to spend assessing their kids, working directly with them and allowing for that freedom and creativity, and we know all kids thrive in that type of an environment.

Chalkbeat: Do you think IB’s teacher training and framework pay dividends beyond the IB classes themselves? I’ve heard the idea that there’s a noticeable effect schoolwide.

Jackson: Yeah, it is definitely one of the outcomes. Because if you start with the Middle Years Program, if the teacher is implementing it with fidelity, they’re going to start to push on those intermediate grades and those primary grades to make sure that the students are prepared. And so it’s one of those cases where we raise the bar and students rise to the occasion, and it starts to really push throughout the building.

The other piece that I would say you really see in a lot of our schools with IB programs is that [students] are focused on global thinking. That’s something that all of us want our children to be thinking about, but quite frankly, it’s not happening in every single school. In our IB schools, the kids talk about not only their coursework and the content, but they talk about their place in the world, which I think is one of the unique features of the IB curriculum.

Chalkbeat: This is an interesting moment for IB within CPS because just as you’ve introduced the idea that a child can study IB from pre-K through the Diploma Program, the mayor — an IB champion — announces he’s leaving office. How can a parent because sure that IB will still be available 10 years down the road when their child is ready for the Diploma Program?

Emanuel: Two things. One, parents want it. Principals, teachers want it. We have basically 10 to 11 percent of the kids in CPS in IB. That’s a built-in constituency. Look, somebody else will have their own interests, et cetera, but I don’t believe they’re going to walk back from this because you have a built-in constituency of principals, teachers and parents who want this.

You’re going to have a fight on your hands. There’s plenty of fights to go around when you’re mayor, and you’ve got to pick the ones you want. This is not one I would recommend because I know the parents that are invested in this — and the teachers and the principals. There’d be holy hell to pay if you try to mess with it. Yeah. That’s the cleanest way I could say. And I think I know something about politics.

Jackson: I wholeheartedly agree with and support this approach. As long as I’m there, I’m going to continue to push for expansion and make sure this vision around these IB cluster neighborhoods comes to fruition.

I really do think if you look at the maps that we put out a couple of weeks ago and where we have added programs under Mayor Emanuel’s tenure, you can really see not only the expansion of programs, but really equity in distribution. We have prioritized some of our neighborhoods that needed this programmatic investment and the schools are better off as a result of this.

super feedback

What Denver parents, students, and teachers said they want in the next superintendent

Students wait for the bell to ring on the first day of school at McGlone Academy on Wednesday. (Photo by AAron Ontiveroz/The Denver Post)

There is no shortage of opinion about the type of person who should lead Denver Public Schools. For the past two months, the school board has been gathering feedback at special meetings and regular public comment sessions on the characteristics and qualifications that students, parents, teachers, and others think the next superintendent should have.

The board has given itself a deadline of Dec. 10 to hire the district’s next leader. Current Superintendent Tom Boasberg announced in July that he’d step down this month after nearly 10 years at the helm of Colorado’s largest school district — and one known nationally for embracing the “portfolio strategy” for managing schools.

Boasberg’s efforts to improve school quality — which included closing struggling schools and encouraging the expansion of high-performing charter schools, which are publicly funded but privately run — were controversial. The feedback the board received reflects the divide in the community between those who supported his reforms and those who didn’t.

Chalkbeat attended three special feedback meetings held in different corners of the city, and we read notes from seven others. We also attended three lengthy public comment sessions. Below, we’ve listed some of the main themes we heard, along with quotes from participants.

The next superintendent should be an educator who has spent a significant portion of his or her career as a classroom teacher.

“We don’t need a businessperson. We need an educator, period, point blank. Administrative experience, business experience — that’s a skill that can be learned. Learning how to work with a budget? There are classes for that.

“But actually caring? That’s not a skill you can learn.”
— Rachael Lehman, parent whose children attend East High School and Denver Discovery School

It should be someone who reflects the demographics of Denver Public Schools, where 77 percent of the nearly 93,000 students are students of color, 67 percent come from low-income families, and 37 percent are English language learners.

“We need a superintendent that has lived through a lot of the experiences of our kids.”
— Louise Campbell, seventh-grade teacher at Compass Academy

“It is very important to me that the next superintendent is a person of color because DPS is mainly students of color, yet we don’t see any representation. A superintendent of color would make us as youth of color feel different. We can relate to them and we know they would understand our struggle.

“When I look at a person of color as a leader, it reminds me that no matter what obstacles we have to go through, we can still make it.”
— Ilene Orgaz, student at KIPP Denver Collegiate High School

The next superintendent should be willing to live in Denver, and if he or she has children, to send those children to the public schools here.

“I would like a superintendent to be chosen who cares about the community of Denver. If you don’t care enough to send your kids there … that says something huge.”
— Lisa Yemma, eighth-grade teacher at Slavens K-8 School

He or she should value Denver’s universal school choice system, which allows parents to use one form to request to attend any school, including charter schools.

“The DSST [charter] middle school has brought my reading level from kindergarten level up to sixth-grade reading, where it should have been at the time. In middle school, I got into trouble, but with hard work from myself and help from teachers and my mom, I have learned to control my temper.

“What I like about the school is that most of the teachers have a sense of humor that matches mine, and the kids that I have met are my best friends. … I am really glad that my mom made us go here. I am really glad that we had this choice because if we didn’t, I don’t know what would happen to me or what my grades would be.”
— Ronald Griffin, student whose mother drives him more than 200 miles round-trip every day from their home in Pueblo to Denver so he can attend DSST: Conservatory Green High School, part of the district’s biggest charter network

“I’m so glad I had the option to choose the best school for my family, so I would like the next superintendent to ensure that families always have a choice in education.”
— Lupe Gonzalez, grandmother who has two grandchildren and one great-grandchild who attend University Prep Steele Street, an elementary charter school

On the flip side, he or she should put less emphasis on school choice and charters, and make more effort to strengthen traditional, district-run schools.

“This is a chance to bring in somebody without baggage — and to hire a superintendent who thinks that young children should not have to travel across town to attend an elementary school.

“You have been barking up the wrong tree for years, and I wish you would choose a different tree. Charters, choice, and enrollment zones haven’t gotten you what you want.”
— Maggie Miller, parent of a George Washington High School graduate

“You have the opportunity to create a fresh start. … We just want neighborhood schools. And if you didn’t hear me in the back, we want neighborhood schools.”
— Margaret Fogarty, parent of a student at Park Hill Elementary School

Then next superintendent should be someone who is committed to listening to community feedback, especially about controversial decisions — and acting on it.

“We need a superintendent that will be willing to listen and act on that anger that parents have when our schools are failing our students. … It seems we in the community have been getting ignored for quite some time now. That stops today.”
— Cliff Harris, parent of three students in southeast Denver

“I hope to see my superintendent come to my school, or any school, and talk to students. I believe the new superintendent should let students know they support and care about them. Students should always come first, and I hope the new superintendent will make time for our voice and perspective.”
— Cameron Casados, recent graduate of DSST: Green Valley Ranch High School

“What I’ve heard in many of my interactions with families in Montbello, Sunnyside, the Cole neighborhood, and elsewhere is that very often, they have felt the decisions regarding their children’s educations and futures happened to them, rather than with them.

“Many drastic changes have been made, such as restructuring schools, closing schools, and selecting charters, which have an enormous impact on students and their families, and in which they felt they had no say.

“The next superintendent needs to be someone who views students and families as co-creators of the education system, not merely as recipients of it.”
— Adrienne Deshaies, former teacher in northwest Denver and current community organizer with Together Colorado, a faith-based parent advocacy group

The next superintendent should not be a diehard for one type of school reform strategy or another, but rather someone who will build bridges between factions.

“I want a superintendent who knows how to bring communities together and is above this fight of reform or traditional.”
— Alexis Menocal Harrigan, parent and former district employee

“There are so many great things that happen at DPS. One of the ones I think is distracting is the argument that happens so often between the reform side and the anti-charter side. Please do not pick someone who is one or the other. If one side wins, then by definition, the other side loses.

“Most parents, they believe in some path in the middle, and that’s what you want for a superintendent: someone who can listen to both sides.”
— Tom Downey, parent of three students in northeast Denver

The next superintendent should continue addressing long-standing district problems, including persistent gaps in test scores between more privileged and less privileged students.

“Last year, my daughter was going to a school that was too easy for her. I was told she had a behavior problem, which I knew meant that she was just bored and not challenged in her classroom enough. … I advocated that she be tested for her eligibility in the gifted and talented program in DPS.

“This year, my daughter was selected to be part of the gifted and talented program. I am very proud of her. … When she got to the school there, I noticed very quickly that she was one of four Latinos in her school, and [there were] two black students, as well. … I asked some of my friends who send their students to schools on the east side whether their students had done gifted and talented testing — and all of them said they didn’t even know what that was.

“The district has to come to the table and admit that we have more to do to confront this achievement gap in our city. … White students in DPS are outperforming students of color by double digits. The education our children are receiving is unequal. … I hope the next superintendent will build more intentional systems of equity.”
— Ana Orozco, graduate of Denver’s South High School and current parent

“I’m currently living in an area where 90 percent of the students in my community are not reading on grade level. Ninety percent. The possibility of that number including my son keeps me up at night. What am I supposed to do when the options in my community are clearly not meeting our needs? … What happens if he goes to a school where young boys of color are overrepresented in discipline actions?

“This year, I have taken the time to learn about school quality and school choice. And what I learned is that the majority of schools in my community are not meeting expectations set by the district — and the few that are have long waiting lists.

“But a spot on the waiting list is not the same thing as a good education, and every child in our city deserves a good education. … I hope that as you all prepare to choose the next superintendent, you think about the 35,000 children without access to great schools.”
— Erica Aragon, parent of future Denver Public Schools student

“I have a very hard time understanding how some schools in our district can afford to have their own planetarium inside of a school, while other schools don’t even have a basic library, or arts and physical education.

“I have served on CSCs — the budgeting and governing body of schools — where we have had to cut some of these positions, as well as classroom teachers. We want our students to be prepared for the future, but we cut their ability to learn creatively. … Without this kind of funding, without equitable funding, we will never close the achievement gap.”
— Jeannie Nelson, parent of four children who attend Denver schools

“We need to be doing more as a district to support our staff and students of color with more intention and accountability. The lack of intentional diversity, equity, and inclusion work presents itself every day in the classroom.

“If we are not prioritizing and addressing those biases, we are not building an equity mindset as a core part of our district culture.”
— Elizabeth Barrett, parent of a student at DSST: Stapleton Middle School

The school board is continuing to collect feedback via an online survey that will close at noon on Oct. 12.